新闻周刊：中国新保守主义崛起
[size=5]The Rise of China’s Neocons[/size][color=SeaGreen]By Mark Leonard | NEWSWEEK[/color]
[color=SeaGreen]Mar 17, 2008 Issue[/color]
So much focus is given to the Olympics and [url=http://www.newsweek.com/related.aspx?subject=China]China[/url]'s economy these days that it's easy to overlook the deeper shifts occurring in [url=http://www.newsweek.com/related.aspx?subject=Beijing]Beijing[/url]'sforeign policy. But concealed behind the anodyne comments of China'sleaders, who generally try to underplay their country's power, a fiercedebate over China's international approach is underway. The argument,waged in government-run think tanks and universities, pits liberalinternationalists against China's neocons—who aim for nothing short ofremaking the entire international order in China's image.
Fornow the liberal internationalists have the upper hand. They includethinkers like Zheng Bijian, a former deputy to President Hu Jintao atthe Communist Party's Central School and the man who coined the term"China's peaceful rise." They maintain that China should respect thetraditional rules of the international system, avoid conflict and sellothers on the idea that China is not a threat. Zheng has argued thatChina needs to exploit Washington's unpopularity by projecting its own"soft power," or cultural and political appeal. He wants Beijing toanswer the "American Dream" of individual success by promoting a"Chinese Dream" based on economic development (to help the poor) andrespect for sovereignty and international law (to defend nationalindependence). Although the term has been discarded, China's peacefulrise now defines the foreign policy of President Hu, who iscrisscrossing the world offering Chinese friendship and aid to alltakers, and easing tensions with the West by softening Beijing's standon touchy international issues like Darfur, Iran and North Korea.
Bycontrast, the neocons—or "neocomms," as they should be known, sincethey represent a new twist on the Mao-era policy of challenging Westernhegemony—are men like Yan Xuetong, an academic with close links to theMinistry of State Security, and Rear Adm. Yang Yi, one of the brightestthinkers in the Chinese military. The neocomms argue that China shouldbe less focused on appeasing Washington and more concerned withBeijing's own priorities. These include resisting democracy promotionand humanitarian intervention abroad, in order to protect China and itsallies from external interference.
The neocomms havetaken up the idea of multilateralism— associated in the West with thedilution of national sovereignty by member states agreeing to be boundby the rules of supranational institutions (like the European Union orthe World Trade Organization). Thinkers like Yan have transformed theconcept into a tool of power projection that would reinforce China'sindependence while helping it develop links with other Asian countries,in arrangements that would exclude China's great rival, the UnitedStates.
Since the mid-1990s, Yan has workedtirelessly to sell this concept to the Chinese Foreign Ministry—whichhas traditionally been suspicious of international institutions—arguingthat regional integration will bring all kinds of practical benefits toChina. And Beijing has slowly come around; for example, it now supportsthe idea of an "East Asian Community" that would be modeled on theEuropean Union. Yan argues that such a community would be an effectivemeans of promoting Chinese power and sidelining Japan, since Tokyo, asAmerica's most powerful Asian ally, would likely be a reluctant partnerin any such project. In this new scheme, China would play a centralrole like that of France or Germany in Europe, while Japan would be theoutsider, like Britain in the EU context.
Over time,the more aggressive neocomms may come to dominate. In recent history,China has followed a pattern of making changes on a minor scale beforeexpanding them outward. Domestically, for example, it first introducedthe free market in special economic zones, waiting years beforeexpanding them to the country at large. Expect something similar in theinternational sphere. Already Beijing has started taking baby stepstoward building a new system in its image, spearheading the creation ofregional groups such as the East Asian Community and the ShanghaiCooperation Organization. These groups, which are underpinned byChinese values and norms rather than Western ones, represent the thinedge of a wedge that Beijing is likely to expand in the future.
China'sown emancipation from the West is also creating an illiberal path,characterized by high levels of state control in the economic, socialand political spheres. Other developing countries—in Africa, the MiddleEast, Central Asia and Latin America—may seek to follow that road. Thericher and more powerful China grows, the more attractive the "Chinesemodel" is likely to become—and the more real the threat it will pose tothe liberal democratic example that's dominated international affairssince the end of the cold war.
[i]Leonard is executive director of the European Council on Foreign Relations and author of “What Does China Think?”[/i]
[i]© 2008[/i] 美国《新闻周刊》3月17日（提前出版）文章，原题：中国新保守主义的崛起 现在，外界的注意力大多集中在奥运会和中国的经济上，而北京的外交政策正在发生的深刻转变则很容易被忽视。
但在中国领导人轻描淡写的讲话背后，一场有关中国国际动向的激烈辩论正在上演。在这场由政府主管的智库和大学发起的辩论中，自由国际主义同中国的新保守主义陷入争论之中。其中，新保守主义者们主张以中国观念重塑整个国际秩序。
目前，自由国际主义者占据了上风，这其中包括发明“中国和平崛起”术语的思想家郑必坚。这一群体坚持认为，中国应该尊重国际体系的传统规则，避免发生冲突，并向别国推销“中国不是威胁”的观念。郑主张，中国需要利用华盛顿在世界不受欢迎的时机，发挥自己的“软实力”，或者达成自己的文化和政治诉求。他希望北京能够推广以经济发展和尊重主权、国际法为基础的“中国梦”，以响应有关个人成功的“美国梦”。
相比之下，新保守主义则代表了毛泽东时代挑战西方霸权政策的新潮流，学者阎学通和身为中国军方智谋之一的海军少将杨毅是其中的代表人物。新保守主义认为，中国不应过多寻求抚慰华盛顿，而应更加关心北京的自我诉求，这包括抵制外来的民主和人权干涉，保护中国及其盟友不受外来干涉影响。
新保守主义采纳了多边主义的思想。通过多边主义机制的安排，将中国的主要对手———美国排除在外，这既能增强中国的独立地位，同时也有助于中国发展与其他亚洲国家的联系。
自20世纪90年代中期以来，阎一直在向中国外交部推销这一概念。他主张，区域整合将给中国带来各种实际利益，而北京开始逐渐接受这种观点。例如，中国支持发展东亚共同体。由于东京不愿成为这个机构的合作者，东亚共同体就将成为推动中国力量发展、边缘化日本的有效工具。中国会扮演类似德国或法国在欧盟的角色，而日本则会如同欧盟中的英国一样成为局外人。
假以时日，更具冲击力的新保守主义有可能成为主流。在近代历史上，中国一直沿着这样的模式前进：先局部试验，然后再推广。如在国内，中国首先在经济特区引入自由市场经济，多年之后再推广到全国。在国际领域也将如此。北京已经开始以自己的观念建立新体系，在东亚共同体和上海合作组织的创建中充当先锋。这些被打上中国价值观和标准烙印的组织表明了中国未来可能发展的方向。
中国的发展道路是以经济、社会、政治领域的高度国家控制为特点的，非洲、中亚和拉美等地区的发展中国家有可能会走上这条路。中国变得越富有强大，“中国道路”的吸引力就越大，对冷战后统治国际事务的自由民主政体所带来的威胁也就越真实。▲ 这篇文章我在环球时报上也看到了！新保守主义的形成将有助于我们对传统文化更加地重视！西安也会慢慢被世人所重视起来！ *** 作者被禁止或删除 内容自动屏蔽 ***
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